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Are You Enjoying What You Voted For in Valle de Santiago, Guanajuato, with Israel Mosqueda Gasca of Morena?

A citizen report on insecurity, governance, and public memory


By Paulo César Ramírez Silva

Founder & CEO of EmprendHEC.com | AI, education, entrepreneurship, and citizen oversight with purpose

Legal and editorial note: This article is not a judicial ruling and does not intend to replace prosecutorial investigations, audits, or administrative resolutions. It distinguishes between documented facts, official data, verifiable news reports, public complaints, and allegations pending verification. Where no final ruling exists, language such as “according to official data,” “media reported,” “council members stated,” “citizen allegation,” or “pending verification” is used.
This content constitutes an opinion protected under the right to freedom of expression in matters of public interest, in accordance with Articles 6 and 7 of the Mexican Constitution.
The assessments expressed here correspond to the author’s analysis based on available information and do not imply direct attribution of criminal or administrative liability.

1. When the dream of “conquering the world from Valle” is interrupted


Valle de Santiago was not perfect. But it had something special.


It was, in many ways, a “Magic Town (Pueblo Mágico)” without the official designation: picturesque, walkable, with identity, cultural activities, volcanoes, lagoons, history, familiar faces, traditions, and that kind of calm that becomes increasingly difficult to find in large cities.


In 2023, my wife and I made an important decision: to return to Valle de Santiago. It was not impulsive. It was a decision shaped by the complexities left by the pandemic, by the possibility of working with greater flexibility and a higher quality of life, and by a vision that, for me, held deep symbolic value: to demonstrate that it does not matter if you are located in a small municipality; from there, you can also build, innovate, and conquer the world.


I did not return only to live more peacefully and improve my quality of life. I returned to build a story.


A story that could inspire young people, entrepreneurs, families, and local professionals. A story that says: “yes, it is possible from here.” That you do not need to be in Mexico City, Monterrey, Guadalajara—even León—or Silicon Valley to develop artificial intelligence solutions, create educational technology, train leaders, collaborate with large companies, or participate in global programs.


Citizen report with official data, documented violent events, SAPAM analysis, and accountability in Valle de Santiago, Guanajuato (2024–2026). Israel Mosqueda Gasta. Morena. Violence. Insecurity.
Valle de Santiago Town Square, during the 2021-2024 municipal government.

It is not common for someone leading an AI startup that is part of Microsoft for Startups, NVIDIA Inception, and recognized as Intel Mexico Top-10 PoC 2025 to decide to build from a municipality like Valle de Santiago. I am the founder and director of EmprendHEC.com (AI Education), Co-Founder and CTO of Tutor-IA.tech (AI for Education), an EdTech startup with AI that is part of Microsoft for Startups, NVIDIA Inception, and Intel Mexico Top-10 PoC 2025; I also lead the León chapter of the Global AI Community supported by Microsoft.


I returned to a Valle like the one I describe. Like the one shown in this first image.


However, in 2024, a mayor from the political party Morena was elected: Israel Mosqueda Gasca, and to this day—as if it were a kind of visual statement of what they have turned Valle de Santiago into—even that sign now looks like the following image:


Citizen report with official data, documented violent events, SAPAM analysis, and accountability in Valle de Santiago, Guanajuato (2024–2026). Israel Mosqueda Gasta. Morena. Violence. Insecurity.
Same sign, but with Morena identity, at the "Alameda" park, in 2026.

No, this is not a bad joke—it is real. This is the Valle de Santiago governed by Morena, and they show it openly and clearly.


Instead of walking calmly, we calculate risks. Instead of focusing only on creating, we monitor insecurity. Instead of planning how to turn Valle into an example of technological entrepreneurship from a smaller city, we are analyzing the decision to return to León.


And that is not minor.


Because this is not just about a personal move. It represents the loss of a symbolic opportunity for Valle de Santiago: the chance to tell a local story of innovation, resilience, and international projection from a small municipality. A story that, rather than inspiring the local population, is now overshadowed by a growing perception of fear, disorder, violence, and institutional abandonment.


This text is born from that point: from sadness, yes—but also from responsibility.

Some citizens now refer to it as “Valley of Death,” and with reason. This past weekend (July 11 and 12, 2026), acts of extreme violence reached a new peak: shootings, deaths, injuries, and bags with dismembered bodies… this is unbearable. (Reference 1, Reference 2)


I seek to do my part with determination: to live with purpose, for my leadership to bring meaningful value to my environment, and to speak courageously in times that demand honest voices. That is why I write. Not to divide for the sake of division. Not to accuse without evidence. But to leave an organized record.


Because when citizens document, compare, and publish rigorously, something inevitable happens: power stops being opaque.


2. The starting point: 2025 did mark a documented deterioration under Israel Mosqueda Gasca of Morena


Before discussing parties, ideologies, or political sympathies, a baseline must be established: official data shows deterioration in 2025.


The Executive Secretariat of the National Public Security System publishes official crime incidence databases, defining crime incidence as investigations initiated by state or federal prosecutors, and organizes this data historically, including 2015–2025 and 2026 to date.


For Valle de Santiago, the August 2025 municipal report shows that total incidence from January–August increased from 1,734 cases in 2024 to 2,049 in 2025, an 18.17% increase. Intentional homicide increased 90.38%, and firearm-related homicide 102.44%.


Citizen report with official data, documented violent events, SAPAM analysis, and accountability in Valle de Santiago, Guanajuato (2024–2026). Israel Mosqueda Gasta. Morena. Violence. Insecurity.
Figure No. 1: Statistical evidence with official data from SESESP Guanajuato/SENSP for Valle de Santiago. Total incidence january-september 2021-2025 and variations 2025 vs. 2024.

The September 2025 report confirms the trend: January–September cases rose from 1,952 in 2024 to 2,273 in 2025, an increase of 16.44%, with increases of 56.92% in intentional homicide and 65.38% in firearm-related homicide.



Additionally, media reports citing the Regional Citizen Observatory indicated 100% more homicide cases, 51% more violent robbery, 103% more vehicle theft, and 700% more pedestrian robbery in the first half of 2025 compared to 2024.


The conclusion is clear: 2025 was not just a perception problem—it was supported by official data and documented reporting.


3. When violence stops being isolated

A statistic can feel abstract. But when numbers turn into massacres, armed attacks, dismembered bodies, and daily fear, reality can no longer fit inside a spreadsheet.


On September 20, 2025, a massacre was reported in Las Jícamas: seven people were killed and one seriously injured in an armed attack. Multiple agencies responded.

This was not an isolated event—it was a documented multi-homicide reported by several media outlets and authorities.


On January 10, 2026, another violent episode left six dead and a missing girl in local communities.


On July 12, 2026, within eight hours, dismembered bodies were found, and a shooting in the downtown area left three men injured, one seriously.


Other reports from the same day described additional victims, injured individuals, and human remains found in different parts of the municipality.


This must be stated accurately: this article does not claim that the municipal government is directly responsible for each crime. That is the role of investigative authorities. However, it can be stated—with documented basis—that during this administration, extreme violent events have accumulated alongside a deterioration in public safety that demands measurable results.


4. Timeline: from public promise to uncomfortable evidence

This timeline reveals a pattern: official data, high-impact violent events, institutional instability, and citizen impact. This is not a momentary reaction—it is a documented civic record.



5. Governance: when authorities themselves acknowledge lack of results


A critique becomes stronger when it does not depend solely on political opposition or dissatisfied citizens.


In October 2025, the municipal president publicly acknowledged the dismissal of the Public Security Commissioner due to lack of results, stating that security was the main concern for approximately 70% of the population.


Reports indicated this was the second commissioner removed in six months, reinforcing a pattern of instability in public security leadership.


This changes the discussion. It is no longer only about perception—it is about public acknowledgment of insufficient results in the municipality’s most critical area.


That is why the question is not whether there is official discourse. The question is: where are the measurable results?


6. SAPAM: when public decisions impact daily life


Another important front is SAPAM (Water Department).


Reports indicated that for 2026, the City Council approved a 4% increase in services from the Municipal Drinking Water and Sewer System, while property taxes remained unchanged and some cultural and social services kept their costs.


The same reporting notes that council members from opposition parties argued they were not allowed to present arguments during the session, and that some citizens had already reported high water bills.


At first glance, this might seem like a technical debate.


But when you experience it personally, the perspective changes.

In my case, something happened that summarizes the problem. One day I had to leave to attend a client outside the city. Tight schedule. Professional commitment. Clear agenda. I leave my house… and the street was closed.


SAPAM construction work.


Without sufficient prior notice. Without clear signage. Without a prepared alternative. Without respect for the time of those of us who live, work, and generate economic activity here.


That day was not just an inconvenience. It directly affected my work.


And the contradiction came afterward: the water bill was higher.


This is where official narratives and citizen experience collide. The government may argue infrastructure renewal, leak reduction, and modernization. Reports referenced investments in pipeline replacement, kilometers of piping, valves, hydrometric systems, and budgets aimed at reducing water loss.


But the key question is not just how much was spent.


The key question is: did the service improve?

Was the work properly planned?

Was there adequate communication?

Was there respect for citizens’ time?

Why do rates increase while inconvenience also increases?

Where are contracts, logs, metrics, complaints, and responses?


This does not prove corruption. But it does show something serious: a combination of poor planning, weak communication, and decisions disconnected from citizens’ daily reality.


And in government, that also carries responsibility.


7. Complaints and allegations: they exist, but must be handled rigorously


Not all information has the same level of evidence. That is why this section is explicitly presented as complaints, reports, or allegations, not proven facts.


7. Complaints and allegations: they exist, but must be handled rigorously

Not all information has the same level of evidence. That is why this section is explicitly presented as complaints, reports, or allegations, not proven facts.


Case

How it should be interpreted

Available evidence

1

Alleged nepotism in SAPAM

Opposition council members reported possible nepotism and conflict of interest within the SAPAM governing board.

Referenced reporting cites both the complaint and the mayor’s response.

2

Mayor’s response

The mayor stated that no formal notification had been received, that vacancies were open, and that positions were honorary.

Should be treated as the authority’s version, not a definitive resolution.

3

2025 Fair (Feria 2025)

Council members reported a complaint before oversight authorities over alleged lack of accountability regarding public funds.

Recorded as a complaint, not a confirmed outcome.

4

Food assistance (Despensas)

A citizen complaint reported potential irregularities in distribution.

Weak to moderate evidence; requires contracts, invoices, and official response.


These cases are not presented as proven facts, but as public complaints and allegations that require documented responses from authorities.


8. Accountability: visible names, visible responsibility


Municipal government has names, positions, and defined public responsibilities. This is not personal—it is institutional. Governing implies public exposure. Making decisions implies accountability.


The 2024–2027 City Council is led by Israel Mosqueda Gasca of Morena. The council includes one trustee (síndica) and ten council members. The political distribution is: Morena with the trustee and six council members, PAN with three council members, and PVEM with one council member.


City Council 2024–2027


Position

Name

Party / group

1

Mayor

Israel Mosqueda Gasca

Morena

2

Trustee (Síndica)

Paulina Rodríguez Maldonado

Morena

3

Council Member

Erick Barrón Gasca

Morena

4

Council Member

Maryte Ramírez Hidalgo

Morena

5

Council Member

Roberto Antonio Sardina Martínez

Morena

6

Council Member

Jazmín Castillo Raya

Morena

7

Council Member

Luciano Miranda Hernández

Morena

8

Council Member

Giovanna Guadalupe Servín Barrón

Morena

9

Council Member

José Andrés Zúñiga Escobedo

PAN

10

Council Member

Irma Serrano Roa

PAN

11

Council Member

Moisés Delgado Pérez

PAN

12

Council Member

Indra Guadalupe Navarrete Rojas

PVEM


The names and affiliations above are presented based on consulted information, available in full at the end of this article.


Officials and identified departments


Department / position

Name

1

City Council Secretariat

Eunice Ramírez Alonso

2

Institutional Development / Regulatory Improvement

Geraldine Ledesma Gil

3

Municipal Treasury

Hosni Eddef García Moreno

4

Municipal Comptroller

Sara Arredondo Mares

5

Municipal Legal Department

Oscar Zavala Ángel

6

Transparency and Access to Public Information Unit

Nancy Biridiana Martínez Villalobos

7

Municipal Planning Institute

Arturo Yosimar Granados Romero

8

Urban Development

Yasmín Ana Michelle Juárez Mosqueda

9

Environment

Juan Carlos Morales Corona

10

Municipal Public Services

Eugenio Muñiz Cuevas

11

Economy and Regulatory Liaison

Jaime Razo González

12

SAPAM

Ana María García Rentería


For cabinet positions, it is important to distinguish initial appointments from subsequent changes, as there were adjustments—particularly in the Treasury.


These names are not published to harass. They are published because administering a municipality implies public responsibility. Those who make public decisions must answer publicly for their results.


9. Who is signing this and why it is not anonymous

I do not write anonymously.


I am Paulo César Ramírez Silva, a Computer Systems Engineer, founder and director of EmprendHEC.com, with more than 24 years of professional experience. I work in AI education, AI communities, EdTech projects, and programs such as Microsoft for Startups, NVIDIA Inception, and Intel Mexico Top-10 PoC 2025. I have served as a judge for national entrepreneurship awards and have participated in innovation initiatives at state, national, and global levels.


I do not sign this for protagonism. I sign it because I believe in accountability. Because if we work with artificial intelligence, data, systems, evidence, and purpose, then we must also apply those principles to public life.


I also sign it because any attempt at intimidation, pressure, or retaliation must itself be documented and exposed with the same rigor used in this report.

This is not about threats. It is about making clear that citizens are no longer alone, silent, or disorganized.


10. Public questions to the City Council


  • What is the verifiable public security strategy after the removal of two commissioners for lack of results?

  • What monthly indicators will be published regarding intentional homicide, firearm homicide, violent robbery, disappearances, and police response?

  • What operational changes were implemented after the Las Jícamas massacre?

  • What contracts, logs, costs, physical progress, and measurable benefits support SAPAM works?

  • How many complaints related to high bills or work disruptions has SAPAM received, and how many have been resolved?

  • What is the status of complaints regarding SAPAM, the 2025 Fair, and other public allegations?

  • What mechanism will citizens have to monitor security, public works, budget, and performance?


11. Closing: the uncomfortable and necessary question


Valle de Santiago does not need propaganda. It needs peace, data, results, and authorities who understand that governing is not about posing for photos—it is about responding with evidence.


To those who voted for this government, the question is uncomfortable but necessary:


Are you truly enjoying what you voted for?


To those who govern: your position is temporary. Evidence is not.


To citizens: let us stop normalizing fear. Let us document. Compare. Demand.


Because when memory is organized, accountability stops being optional.

In my personal case, I should be preparing for new certifications, attending clients, and building a promising future—but I am not. And that represents a real cost for me.


Some readers may think this article is political propaganda—but it is not. I am fully aware that the State Government, led by the National Action Party (PAN), is also not doing its part. In my perspective, they often replicate the same leftist patterns: minimizing problems, manipulating narratives, and prioritizing ideology over real solutions. To me, they lost vision and now are just like Morena, disguised in Blue.


IMPORTANT: The internet does not forget, and the AI era enables search engines to identify relevant information about individuals and institutions over time. Public office is temporary—but reputation, leadership, and competitive positioning endure. May this article, in both Spanish and English, serve as a future reference.


Sources

Official data, crime methodology, and disappearances


Insecurity, homicides, and documented violent events


Governance, police chiefs, and municipal public security


SAPAM, drinking water, tariffs, and hydraulic public works


Corruption, nepotism, conflicts of interest, and public complaints


Personal controversies, use of public resources, and public reputation


Administrative performance, communication, and governance


Council, cabinet, and institutional structure




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Valle de Santiago, Guanajuato, México. C.P. 38400.

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